When lawmakers fix what is not broken, voters and clerks pay for it.
That's how democracy breaks; one unnecessary restriction at a time.
Wyoming’s legislative Joint Corporations Committee voted to sponsor 11 election bills for the 2026 budget session, many pulled from measures that stalled in 2025.
Supporters sell this slate as one thing: "election integrity."
Wyoming elections already run with routine testing, chain of custody, bipartisan observation, and post-election audits. Those audits show zero machine errors.
The slate signals to voters that routine results deserve doubt. This message undermines confidence.
But here's what good election policy actually requires: evidence of a Wyoming problem and a targeted solution. County clerks and their staffs hold the day-to-day expertise. A clerk-led risk review would find real gaps, if any exist, then close those gaps with precision that targets verified problems.
This package spreads restrictions across voting, tabulation, registration, and ballot access. Eleven bills together shift Wyoming toward a manual, restrictive, partisan-heavy framework.
Here's what that looks like:
House Bill 48 would force paper and pen as the default for in-person voting. In practice, this bill lands on Laramie County, where voters use ballot-marking devices.
Laramie County voters report strong support for those devices. The devices support voters who need accessible tools, reduce printing needs, and speed high-volume voting. A mandate aimed at one county invites longer lines greater costs and more spoiled ballots.
House Bill 51 would order a random hand-count audit of one precinct in every county after each primary and general election. House Bill 52 would mandate hand counting for recounts in close races and stretch canvass deadlines.
Hand counting increases labor needs and raises error risk. Research and tests held across the county have proven the inaccuracy and ineffectiveness of hand counts.
Wyoming will spend more money for slower results.
Senate File 28 would remove the conclusive legal presumption tied to certified voting equipment and expand public testing and challenge windows. County clerks already test equipment before elections.
This bill seeks to add more steps and more opportunities for late-stage challenges, even where audits show zero errors.
House Bill 49 would ban ballot drop boxes statewide and remove county discretion. Seven counties use drop boxes as a secure return option controlled by county clerks. Postal delays already rise in Wyoming.
A drop-box ban pushes voters toward mail delays or courthouse trips during work hours.
The Associated Press surveyed election officials in 45 states: zero fraud cases linked to drop boxes in 2020. A ban without evidence trades a secure option for longer drives and missed deadlines.
House Bill 50 would restrict ballot collection and add affidavit rules tied to facilities, plus felony penalties. County clerks still verify voter eligibility and validate signatures on absentee ballots.
This bill does not strengthen those checks. It would block help for voters who rely on caregivers or community members to return a sealed ballot.
Who gets hit hardest?
Rural voters facing distance and weather. Older voters. Voters with disabilities. Many Native American voters who lack home mail delivery.
Senate File 29 seeks to remove student, Medicare, and Medicaid cards from acceptable voter identification. These are already set to expire at the end of 2029. No one knows how many voters use these. Here’s a thought: identify who uses these in 2026 then help them get acceptable ID.
Senate File 30 would impose a uniform 30-day residency requirement across all election types. This rule creates a window where new residents can't vote, including for local and special district elections.
Wyoming sees frequent moves tied to work, school, housing, and family needs.
A residency wall blocks participation.
House Bill 54 would raise signature thresholds for independent candidates and shift deadlines earlier. Raising barriers for non-party access shrinks voter choice and protects incumbency.
House Bill 53 seeks to expand poll watcher authority and grant close proximity at check-in, with language allowing watchers to "see and hear."
Close-range partisan observation raises intimidation risk, increases conflict, and slows work for clerks and poll workers.
Senate File 33 would loosen rules on county central committee membership. This is cherry picking one restriction without addressing the privileges that warrant the oversight.
A single bill might seem manageable. Eleven bills together create a framework built on doubt rather than evidence.
Those shifts will cost money, burn staff time, create longer lines, and raise error risk. They feed a storyline claiming Wyoming elections lack integrity when audits prove otherwise.
Legislators should pause this slate and ask a simpler question: What documented Wyoming problem needs a legal fix?
If lawmakers lack proof, they should not pass restrictions.
Direct the county clerks to lead a statewide risk assessment, publish findings, and propose narrow reforms tied to verified gaps. Let the professionals who run elections identify what actually needs fixing.
Wyoming earns trust through competence, access, and evidence. Not doubt.
