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Cowboy State Daily is Wyoming’s largest newspaper with Wyoming’s most experienced journalists. 

<title>Daily Cartoon 2: Friday, October 3, 2025 | Cowboy State Daily</title>

Daily Cartoon 2: Friday, October 3, 2025

Guest Column

Guest Columnists

When the Wyoming Freedom Caucus took control of the House, its leaders promised big changes. Speaker Chip Neiman famously declared to Politico: “We have 42 of 62 votes. We’re going to do big things.”

Wyoming voters deserve to ask a simple question:

[{"type":"text","marks":[{"type":"textStyle"}],"text":"What were those big things?"}]

Leadership should be measured by results — not press releases, social media posts, or political rhetoric.

After two years of Freedom Caucus control, the record raises serious concerns.

The House budget proposed deep reductions to state government, including eliminating the Wyoming Business Council, cutting funding for the University of Wyoming, reducing support for Native American health care programs, denying market-based raises for state employees, killing fire relief funds and shifting costs to local communities. 

Many of these proposals were rejected or significantly changed by the Senate because legislators from both chambers believed they would do more harm than good.  

Speaker Neiman’s leadership team had to suspend the rules and add an extra day to cram 200 plus amendments ti the budget down house members throats. 

Pressure from the public forced them into the public’s will.  The Neiman led Confrence committee folded to the Senate position in less than 30 minutes.. 

The Freedom Caucus also opposed putting significant surplus revenue into Wyoming’s Permanent Mineral Trust Fund and other long-term savings. 

Wyoming has built its financial strength by saving during prosperous years to protect future generations during downturns. Choosing not to save when revenues are strong is a major departure from decades of conservative fiscal policy.

This Legislature also failed to pass a supplemental budget—the first time in decades Wyoming went without one. Instead of resolving issues collaboratively, legislative leaders allowed political gridlock to replace practical governance.

Education became another battleground. The recalibration process, led by Freedom Caucus leadership, drew criticism from school districts across Wyoming. 

Local officials warned about unintended consequences, reduced local flexibility, and funding formulas that ignored real operating costs. Rather than listening to those concerns, the Freedom Caucus led recalibration committee doubled down.  

Their actions significantly took local control away and consolidated the power in Cheyenne  

[{"type":"text","marks":[{"type":"textStyle"}],"text":"Economic development also suffered. "}]

Proposals to eliminate the Wyoming Business Council would have jeopardized programs that help recruit employers, expand existing businesses, and create jobs in rural Wyoming. Conservatives should always demand accountability, but eliminating an agency without a transition plan is not reform—it’s abandonment.

Throughout the session, the focus often seemed to be on ideological fights instead of solving Wyoming’s most pressing challenges: keeping communities strong, supporting local governments, maintaining infrastructure, improving health care access, diversifying the economy, and preparing for the next energy transition.

Conservatism has traditionally meant careful stewardship of taxpayer dollars, planning for the future, supporting private enterprise, and making government work efficiently. It has never meant governing through constant conflict or measuring success by the number of headlines generated.

Wyoming deserves leaders who ask not, “How much can we cut?” but “What produces the best value for taxpayers?” There is a difference.

The real measure of legislative leadership is whether Wyoming is stronger when you leave than when you arrived.

They also brought in one of the biggest scandals in Wyoming history — "Check Gate" — tarnishing the entire legislature — forcing even more rules.  

[{"type":"text","marks":[{"type":"textStyle"}],"text":"So the question remains:"}]

If the Freedom Caucus promised to do “big things,” are Wyoming families better off today? Are local governments stronger? Are schools better prepared? Is the economy more diversified? Have permanent savings increased? Has the Legislature become more productive?

Those are questions every voter should answer based on the record—not the rhetoric.

Because in Wyoming, results still matter more than slogans.

[{"type":"text","marks":[{"type":"textStyle"}],"text":"Sen. Ogden Driskill"}]

Driskill represents Senate District 1 in Wyoming and lives in Devils Tower

Ogden driskill headshot 7 30 26

<title>Guest Column: What Has Wyoming’s Freedom Caucus Actually Accomplished? | Cowboy State Daily</title>

Sen. Ogden Driskill writes, "When the Wyoming Freedom Caucus took control of the House, its leaders promised big changes. Speaker Chip Neiman famously declared to Politico: 'We have 42 of 62 votes. We’re going to do big things.' What were those big things?

Guest Column: What Has Wyoming’s Freedom Caucus Actually Accomplished?

Headshot of Cowboy State Daily's managing editor, Greg Johnson.

Greg Johnson

Crime & Courts

Courts

Just because a Douglas man facing 72 child sex and pornography-related charges was a 

 on Tuesday doesn’t necessarily mean whoever put up $250,000 cash to bond him out of jail will lose all that money.

The Converse County Attorney’s Office could file a motion to revoke or forfeit all, some or none of Smallbone’s bond, said Steven Titus, a Gillette defense attorney.

Smallbone also could be ordered to pay for the costs of the Converse County Sheriff’s Office to go get him from San Francisco, where he was 

, four hours after he missed his court hearing.

And those costs could likely be pulled from that $250,000 bond, said Titus, adding that he’s referencing general options and not specifics about Smallbone’s case.

That said, he thinks Smallbone missing that hearing “was stupid,” and that it’s “very rare” for someone to not show up for court when a large amount of money or their home is on the line.

“I can’t remember the last time someone willingly missed court, knowingly missed court, with that kind of money on the line,” Titus said. “It’s really rare for something like this to happen.”

As of Thursday afternoon, Smallbone was still being held at the San Francisco County Jail on a fugitive warrant out of Wyoming.

He hasn’t yet been seen by a judge there and a hearing on his extradition to Wyoming hasn’t been set, according to the Superior Court of San Francisco.

When he does get back, Titus said he would be “shocked” if the judge in his case doesn’t revoke his bond altogether or raise it significantly.

“My guess is the judge will increase the bond, because if he wasn’t a flight risk before, he’s shown he is now,” Titus said.

[{"type":"text","marks":[{"type":"bold"}],"text":"Who Gets The Money?"}]

The Converse County Attorney’s Office so far hasn’t filed a motion to revoke or forfeit Smallbone’s bond, according to the public-facing court file in the case.

While he won’t comment on Smallbone’s case or circumstances, Converse County Deputy Prosecutor Nathan Shumway echoed Titus’ assessment that there are many things that can determine just how much — or little — bond is forfeited in a criminal case.

That process could include holding an evidentiary hearing to show someone “willfully violated a condition of their bond,” Shumway said in an email to Cowboy State Daily.

“In the instance of a failure to appear, what usually must be proven is that the failure to appear was willful, and not because of something outside the defendant’s control,” he said.

“If the State meets its burden, the Defendant’s bond is revoked and the process continues as if the person had admitted to violating their bond,” he added.

[{"type":"text","text":"If not, the bond is reinstated."}]

The $250,000 question some are asking now that Smallbone has been picked up for the second time within a week on a fugitive warrant in another state is: Where does that money go?

[{"type":"text","text":"It can be a variety of places, both Titus and Shumway said."}]

Some of the money can be used to repay costs associated with finding and apprehending someone on the run, and the court can implement penalties, Titus added.

[{"type":"text","text":"Whatever is left goes to local schools."}]

“When a bond is ordered forfeited by the court, the money is paid into the county treasury to the credit of the county’s public school fund, in accordance with Wyoming Statute 7-10-105,” Shumway said.

[{"type":"text","marks":[{"type":"bold"}],"text":"How We Got Here"}]

Smallbone was released from jail June 24, when someone walked into the Converse County Detention Center with $250,000 cash.

He was arrested July 22 on a fugitive warrant in Fort Collins, Colorado, after investigators learned he may have been trying to flee Wyoming.

 on a personal recognizance bond before Converse County officials could bring him back to Wyoming.

Smallbone then was a no-show for his Tuesday arraignment hearing in Douglas, then about four hours later was arrested again in San Francisco, Sheriff Clint Becker reported.

Siegel hadn’t responded by Thursday afternoon to an offer to explain what happened in her courtroom with Smallbone.

The result was frustrating for law enforcement in two states, with Converse County Undersheriff Chris Walsh calling the release “a surprising twist” that left him “shocked.”

The Larimer County District Attorney’s Office in Colorado also has questioned how an accused child sex abuser was released.

“Mr. Smallbone was taken into custody on a valid and active warrant out of Wyoming, which included dozens of allegations of sexual crimes against children,” agency spokesperson Kylie Masserman said in a Monday email to Cowboy State Daily. 

She said her office asked Magistrate Siegel to also issue a $250,000 cash-only bond for Smallbone. 

That’s because the objective was “to keep him in custody until he could be transferred back to Wyoming to face his charges,” she said in the statement. “This request was consistent with what the Wyoming authorities requested and consistent with our practices on cases of this severity.”

Masserman said that instead, the personal recognizance bond was issued “contrary to our request.”

[{"type":"text","marks":[{"type":"bold"}],"text":"The Hearing"}]

Meanwhile, Converse County officials were ready and waiting in case Smallbone did show up for his Tuesday hearing, or for any trouble that might ensue because of the nature of the allegations against him.

Sheriff Becker was leaning on a rail outside the justice center ahead of the scheduled hearing, flanked by five deputies. 

Three more deputies manned the security station just inside the front doors, and two Douglas cops were hanging out inside the courtroom.

While there were no emotional fireworks, Becker said he and his deputies were ready “just in case.”

It was the same inside the courtroom, which looked a bit like a shotgun wedding, with the 30 or so people watching from the gallery choosing to sit behind the prosecutor’s table.

[{"type":"text","text":"The hearing, scheduled to start at 3:30 p.m., was over by 3:35."}]

[{"type":"text","marks":[{"type":"bold"}],"text":"The Charges"}]

Smallbone’s charges relate to a trove of videos and child sexual abuse material (CSAM) allegedly found on his phone and electronic devices while Converse County investigators were looking into a report that he propositioned a young girl, according to a court affidavit.

The mother of an underage girl reported concerning interactions her daughter had with Smallbone on May 9.

The girl was in a vehicle with Smallbone and others when he allegedly typed “if you suck me, I’ll lick you” on his phone and showed it to the girl, according to an affidavit of probable cause written by Lt. Benjamin K.P. Peech of the Converse County Sheriff’s Office.

“He also mouthed the words, ‘I want to see you naked,’” the affidavit says.

Smallbone later denied mouthing anything or showing the girl any messages.

On those devices, investigators report that they found dozens of images and videos depicting prepubescent girls and boys performing a wide range of sex acts, the affidavit says. Many of the videos appear to have been created by Smallbone in rooms and spaces that are identifiable enough to connect them to alleged potential victims.

The most disturbing allegations stem from a series of at least seven videos that the affidavit reports allegedly show a young girl having her pants pulled down and being subjected to sex with a dog.

Along with the CSAM, investigators say they found “records indicating (his phone) had been used to connect to the Tor Browser, which is commonly used by subjects accessing CSAM to communicate within the Dark Web anonymously,” the affidavit says.

[{"type":"text","marks":[{"type":"textStyle"}],"text":"He’s charged with:"}]

• 1 count of first-degree sexual abuse of a minor.

• 36 counts of possessing child pornography.

• 16 counts of using a video camera to record intimate areas of another person without consent.

• 18 counts of knowingly manufacturing, generating, or creating child pornography.

• 1 count of possessing more than 3 ounces of marijuana (1.3 pounds).

At Tuesday’s hearing, Shumway said his office intends to file new, expanded charges against Smallbone. Those weren’t available in the public court files as of Thursday afternoon.

If convicted with maximum concurrent sentences, Smallbone could face up to 791 years in prison and fines of up to $710,000.

The most serious is the sexual abuse of a minor charge, which calls for a sentence of between 25 and 50 years.

Smallbone and courthouse 2 7 30 26

<title>What Happens To $250,000 Bond For Accused Sex Abuser Who No-Showed At Court | Cowboy State Daily</title>

Just because a Douglas man facing 72 child sex and pornography-related charges was a no-show for his arraignment hearing on Tuesday doesn’t necessarily mean whoever put up $250,000 cash to bond him out of jail will lose all that money.

What Happens To $250,000 Bond For Accused Sex Abuser Who No-Showed At Court

Employee kate meadows cropped

Kate Meadows

Agriculture

A sweeping class-action lawsuit accusing the nation's four largest meatpackers of conspiring to manipulate cattle and beef prices is moving forward after a federal judge in Minnesota certified several classes of plaintiffs earlier this month.

The lawsuit alleges that JBS, Tyson Foods, Cargill and National Beef coordinated to restrict beef supplies and inflate prices between June 2015 and February 2020, harming ranchers who sold cattle while forcing wholesalers, grocers, consumers, restaurants and caterers to pay more for beef.

Together, the four companies control more than 80% of the U.S-fed cattle processing market, giving them wide influence over cattle prices and the nation's beef supply.

[{"type":"text","text":"U.S. District Judge John Tunheim issued his ruling July 16."}]

[{"type":"text","marks":[{"type":"bold"}],"text":"From The Big 12 To The Big Four"}]

For Wyoming ranchers who have watched consolidation reshape the industry over decades, the lawsuit is about far more than the five-year period covered in the complaint.

"The packers have controlled the destiny of beef for decades upon decades," Crook County rancher Tyler Lindholm told Cowboy State Daily. "It's getting to the point where people are starting to push back."

State Sen. Ogden Driskill, R-Devils Tower, said the current market is the product of decades of declining competition.

"Our federal government has allowed our federal packing industry to go from the big 12 to the big 10 to now the big four," Driskill said.

With a dozen major packers competing, coordinating prices would have been far more difficult, he said. Today, with only four dominant players, ranchers are left with few options for selling cattle.

"It really is high time for the government to step in and say we have to get a process that treats everybody fairly," Driskill said. "We're not asking for an upper hand. We're looking for everyone to be treated fairly."

Driskill blamed what he called a "very, very failed federal bureaucracy" for allowing market concentration to reach its current level.

[{"type":"text","marks":[{"type":"bold"}],"text":"Not Every Rancher Is Convinced"}]

Not everyone in Wyoming's cattle industry believes the allegations will hold up.

Laramie County rancher Mark Eisele said he remains skeptical that the major packers have engaged in coordinated misconduct.

"I'm not sure how I feel about this lawsuit," Eisele told Cowboy State Daily. "I would like to see what comes from this."

After decades in the cattle business, Eisele said he has never seen evidence of retaliation or deliberate manipulation by the major packers.

[{"type":"text","text":"Court filings paint a different picture."}]

According to the plaintiffs, economic modeling shows ranchers were underpaid by nearly 7% during the period covered by the lawsuit because the packers coordinated slaughter schedules and managed beef inventories to suppress cattle prices while increasing wholesale beef prices.

Lindholm said he believes market behavior itself supports those allegations.

He pointed to the Trump administration's approval of roughly 2 million additional pounds of beef imports from Argentina, saying a significant increase in imported beef should have softened domestic prices if the market were functioning normally.

"By all expectations, having an insane amount of beef imported from a country should have moved the beef prices here. It did not," Lindholm said. "Some might call that a conspiracy. But the proof is there. You can see it in the market."

[{"type":"text","marks":[{"type":"bold"}],"text":"More Harm Than Good?"}]

Eisele, however, questioned whether repeated class-action lawsuits are driven more by financial incentives than by wrongdoing.

If plaintiffs prevail, attorneys could receive more than one-third of any award, he noted.

[{"type":"text","text":"Activists often follow the same pattern of suing and settling, he said."}]

He suggested that previous settlements, including one involving JBS, reflected business decisions rather than admissions of wrongdoing.

[{"type":"text","text":"\"It was a pressure point,\" he said."}]

Meanwhile, Eisele worries the industry faces another challenge altogether: shrinking cattle supplies.

Some large packing plants are already slowing production or closing facilities because there simply aren't enough cattle moving through the system, he said.

"Cattle producers need to be real careful of what they wish for," Eisele said.

If additional plants close, ranchers could find themselves with even fewer places to process cattle.

"We're starting to paint ourselves into a dangerous corner on this," he said.

[{"type":"text","marks":[{"type":"bold"}],"text":"A Difficult Case To Win"}]

Even if the allegations are justified, Driskill said he believes proving them in court will be difficult.

"They have deep pockets," he said of the meatpackers. "They're going to have the better lawyers."

Price-fixing cases are notoriously difficult because plaintiffs must show competitors acted together rather than making similar business decisions independently.

Regardless of the lawsuit's outcome, Driskill said Congress should revisit the Packers and Stockyards Act to strengthen protections for independent producers and smaller regional packing plants.

He would also like to see policymakers encourage enough competition to return the industry to something closer to the days when 10 or 12 significant packers competed for cattle.

"Let's break it up and get rid of these huge multinational conglomerates," he said.

Lindholm said the only way to do that is to look at the existing regulatory structure. The Federal Meat Inspection Act currently blocks states from controlling the meatpacking industry.

“What is allowing these big four to capture so much (business) under one umbrella?” Lindholm said. “That’s the key … Congress needs to go break the back of the packers.”

Driskill added that only a substantial financial penalty would change corporate behavior.

"A $30 million fine on a $10 billion company is like me getting a 10-cent speeding ticket," he said. "I would just pay the ticket and be on my way."

Cowboy State Daily reached out to JBS, Tyson Foods, Cargill and National Beef for comment. None had responded by publication.

Lindholm 7 30 26

<title>Federal Judge OKs Cattle And Beef Price-Fixing Suit Against 'Big Four' Meatpackers | Cowboy State Daily</title>

A federal judge has OK'd a class-action price-fixing lawsuit against the nation’s four largest meatpackers. "The packers have controlled the destiny of beef for decades," Crook County rancher Tyler Lindholm said. "People are starting to push back."

Federal Judge OKs Cattle And Beef Price-Fixing Suit Against 'Big Four' Meatpackers

Kolby fedore

Kolby Fedore

What began as an act of kindness for a pregnant woman new to Casper ended in months of anonymous threats, fake phone numbers and a digital trail investigators say stretched across Facebook, Google and multiple texting apps, prosecutors say.

A Natrona County woman is accused of stalking the foster mother who once drove her to prenatal appointments, took her grocery shopping and later cared for her infant son while she received mental health treatment.

Daji Carter, 27, was bound over to district court Tuesday after a preliminary hearing on two felony counts of stalking and two misdemeanor counts of violating a stalking protection order. She posted a $3,500 surety bond July 15 and was released from custody. 

Investigators say Carter spent months using anonymous texts, fake online accounts and spoofed phone numbers to continue contacting Ashley Monroe and members of her family after a court ordered Carter to have no contact with her.

[{"type":"text","marks":[{"type":"bold"}],"text":"'She Was My Friend'"}]

For Monroe, the allegations are especially painful because the relationship began with compassion.

[{"type":"text","text":"She met Carter in June 2024 while Carter was pregnant and new to Casper."}]

"I would have considered her one of my friends," Monroe told Cowboy State Daily. "She didn't have any mode of transportation, so I always offered to take her grocery shopping. We took her to do shopping for stuff she would need for the baby once he was born. She was fun to be around. She had a good sense of humor."

Monroe, a licensed foster parent, said she wasn't expecting to become Carter's foster placement.

[{"type":"text","text":"Instead, she simply wanted to help someone she knew was struggling."}]

"I was just trying to be there to support her and keep the baby safe if she needed help," Monroe said.

According to Monroe, she became concerned about Carter's well-being and requested a welfare check. After Carter agreed to seek help, the Department of Family Services arranged a voluntary placement, and Monroe began caring for the infant. Monroe said the arrangement was intended to be temporary, allowing Carter to regain custody when she was ready.

[{"type":"text","text":"The baby returned home within weeks."}]

Not long afterward, Monroe said Casper police contacted her after Carter made statements suggesting the infant had died. Officers eventually located the child safely, Monroe said, and the Department of Family Services placed him in her home again. 

[{"type":"text","marks":[{"type":"bold"}],"text":"'That's When Things Turned South'"}]

Monroe said the relationship unraveled during a visitation dispute around Halloween 2024.

She recalled Carter becoming upset over visitation scheduling during one of the baby's medical appointments.

"She tried to take the baby and run with him from the doctor's office," Monroe said.

[{"type":"text","text":"That night, Monroe said, the messages began."}]

She said the first texts said "You're a c---, this is Daji," along with a knife and blood emojis.

The criminal affidavit similarly alleges Monroe began receiving threatening messages from anonymous Wyoming and Alabama phone numbers, many sent through internet-based texting services rather than traditional cellular numbers.

Investigators say the harassment continued for months and eventually spread to Monroe's husband and mother.

[{"type":"text","marks":[{"type":"bold"}],"text":"Living In Fear"}]

According to the affidavit, the messages escalated from vulgar insults to explicit threats. Monroe told investigators she received texts accusing her of taking Carter's child and messages warning that she was "going to die." 

[{"type":"text","text":"Monroe said the emotional impact reached far beyond her own safety."}]

At the time, she was caring not only for Carter's infant but for other foster children, in addition to her own family.

"I didn't sleep," she said. "Every time one of my dogs would bark ... is that Daji outside my door?"

She said the alleged harassment forced her family to install additional security measures and left her anxious.

"I found myself constantly looking over my shoulder, hesitant to engage in routine activities and struggling with stress and sleep disturbances," Monroe said.

"I didn't even feel safe letting my kids go to school," she told Cowboy State Daily.

The Department of Family Services ultimately moved Carter's son to another foster home in hopes the threats would stop.

[{"type":"text","text":"\"They did not,\" Monroe said. "}]

[{"type":"text","marks":[{"type":"bold"}],"text":"Digital Trail "}]

Court records show the alleged stalking became an extensive digital investigation involving numerous search warrants.

The affidavit describes detectives obtaining records from Facebook, Google, TextNow, Pinger, AT&T and T-Mobile while also conducting forensic examinations of multiple electronic devices.

The various anonymous phone numbers, Gmail accounts and online messaging services ultimately pointed back to Carter, says the affidavit. 

During an interview with investigators, Carter acknowledged sending Monroe what she described as "mean" messages but denied sending many of the anonymous communications detailed in the affidavit.

"When you piss me off, I say what's on my heart," Carter allegedly told investigators.

Detectives also interviewed witnesses, reviewed phone records, and manually examined several electronic devices after extracting data from phones seized during the investigation.

After taking in a friend's baby, a Casper foster mom says her family became the target of anonymous threats by the biological mother, who is charged with two stalking felonies. "I didn't even feel safe letting my kids go to school," Ashley Monroe said.

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